Federal Judge Marcelo Martínez de Giorgi issued the ruling on October 23, 2026, after federal prosecutor Eduardo Taiano asked the court to dismiss the case. The decision also covered Milei’s sister, Karina Milei, and nine other people linked to the cryptocurrency project.

The case followed Milei’s post on X on February 14, 2025, which promoted a project called Viva la Libertad Project and included the token’s contract address. The token’s price surged after the post before falling sharply within hours.

The judge acknowledged that Milei’s position as president may have given the project greater visibility. However, he concluded that the president’s endorsement and the token’s subsequent price collapse did not, by themselves, establish fraud.

The decision closes the criminal investigation against the 11 people covered by the ruling, subject to any appeal and the ruling’s final procedural status. It does not establish that the token was a safe investment or erase the financial losses reported by buyers.

Who was covered by the ruling?

The dismissal applies to 11 people investigated in connection with the launch and promotion of $LIBRA:

• Javier Milei: Argentina’s president, who promoted the token on X.
• Karina Milei: His sister and the secretary-general of the presidency.
• Hayden Mark Davis: A US businessman who described himself as an adviser to the token’s launch.
• Mauricio Gaspar Novelli: A businessman and intermediary linked to the project.
• Manuel Terrones Godoy: A business associate of Novelli.
• Sergio Daniel Morales: A former adviser to Argentina’s National Securities Commission.
• Chyi Haur Peh, known as Julian Peh: An individual linked to the project’s technology company, Kip Protocol.
• María Alicia Rafaele: Novelli’s mother.
• María Pía Novelli: Novelli’s sister.
• Camilo Rodríguez Blanco: An intermediary linked to the project.
• Orlando Mellino: Another intermediary named in the investigation.

The case examined possible fraud and alleged misconduct involving public office. The dismissal means the court found no sufficient legal basis to continue the criminal case against these individuals under the offences considered.

It does not mean that every business decision associated with the token has been independently certified as ethical or financially sound.

Why the judge dismissed the fraud allegations

The ruling focused on what Argentine law requires prosecutors to establish in a fraud case.

Under Article 172 of Argentina’s Penal Code, fraud generally requires a deceptive act that causes a person to make a financial decision, leading to economic harm. Prosecutors must establish more than a sharp price movement or an investor’s loss.

The judge concluded that the evidence did not establish the required criminal deception. Milei’s post helped draw attention to $LIBRA, but the court found that the post, the initial price rise and the subsequent collapse did not alone prove a fraudulent scheme.

The ruling also considered the nature of the cryptocurrency market. Meme coins can experience extreme price swings, and buyers may face substantial losses. The judge found that losses in a speculative market were not enough, by themselves, to establish that a criminal fraud had occurred.

This was the central legal distinction. A token can lose most of its value, and its buyers can suffer serious financial harm, without those outcomes alone proving every element of a criminal offence.

The judge also considered allegations involving abuse of authority, breaches of public duties and incompatible public and private interests. According to reports on the decision, the court found insufficient evidence of unlawful official acts, institutional commitments or the use of public resources to support those charges.

The ruling therefore addressed whether the conduct met the legal requirements for criminal prosecution. It was not a general judgment on the quality of the token or the wisdom of buying it.

How Milei’s post triggered the controversy

On February 14, 2025, Milei published a post on X promoting Viva la Libertad Project and sharing the contract address for $LIBRA.

The post attracted immediate attention. The token’s price rose sharply as buyers entered the market. Within hours, however, its value plunged, leaving many purchasers facing losses.

Milei later deleted the post and said he had acted in good faith. He said he had not known the project’s details and stopped promoting it after learning more about it.

The episode prompted complaints and calls for an investigation into whether the token’s launch involved fraud, improper payments or the misuse of presidential influence.

Investigators examined communications, electronic devices, cryptocurrency movements and possible links between people associated with the project and individuals with access to the president.

The investigation also examined allegations that payments or arrangements may have helped secure access to Milei. Such claims formed part of the wider inquiry, but they must be distinguished from facts established by the court. The dismissal does not allow unproven allegations to be presented as established misconduct.

What the blockchain evidence showed

Blockchain researchers reported that eight wallets linked to the token’s creator withdrew approximately US$99 million in cryptocurrency associated with the project. The figure became a central part of the public debate over the token’s collapse.

That amount needs careful interpretation.

A withdrawal figure is not automatically the same as verified investor losses. It can reflect the value of assets moved from a liquidity pool or trading environment, and the final economic outcome depends on the transactions, asset prices, timing and what happened to the funds afterward.

The figure also depends on how researchers linked the wallets to the token’s creator. Blockchain records can show transactions between addresses, but identifying the person or organization behind a wallet may require additional evidence.

Argentina’s fintech chamber previously warned that the episode could resemble a “rug pull”—a situation in which a project attracts buyers before insiders remove liquidity or sell assets, leaving others exposed to a collapse. That was a warning about a possible explanation, not a judicial finding that a rug pull had occurred.

The judge considered the distribution of gains and losses but concluded that it did not, on its own, prove fraud. The reported withdrawals remain relevant to understanding the token’s market behavior, but they do not independently establish criminal intent.

Why Milei’s presidential position mattered

The case raised a broader question: what legal responsibility follows when a sitting president promotes a financial asset to a large public audience?

Milei’s office gave his post unusual reach. Buyers may have interpreted the endorsement as a sign of credibility, even though a social media post is not the same as a formal government approval or a guarantee of investment performance.

The judge acknowledged that Milei’s institutional standing may have increased the token’s visibility. However, the ruling distinguished that influence from proof of fraud.

The court also considered whether Milei had acted through his official powers or used public resources to support the project. Reports on the ruling say the judge relied on government reports that treated the post as an individual or private act rather than an institutional decision.

That conclusion addresses the legal charges examined in this case. It does not remove the wider public-interest question of how political leaders should handle endorsements that could influence financial decisions.

The distinction is important. A president’s public influence can have real economic consequences, but criminal liability still depends on the evidence and the requirements of the law.

The prosecutor’s request and the status of the case

Taiano, the federal prosecutor overseeing the investigation, asked the judge to dismiss the case against all 11 people. The judge accepted that request.

The ruling also followed earlier procedural developments in which investors who had sought to participate as private accusers were removed from that role by a federal appeals court. Reporting on the decision said there was no independent accusation left to sustain the case after the prosecutor requested dismissal.

The judge concluded that the prosecutor’s request had a sufficient legal and evidentiary basis. He also stated that the existence of the proceedings did not affect the good name and honor of the people investigated.

The dismissal was issued on October 23, 2026. Reports published after the ruling indicated that it could still be appealed. The available reporting does not establish that an appeal has already been filed, so the decision should not yet be described as definitively final without checking the court docket.

The status of any related civil claims, regulatory reviews or proceedings outside Argentina must also be checked separately. A dismissal in this criminal case does not automatically determine the outcome of other proceedings that may involve different legal questions, parties or evidence.

What the ruling does not settle

The decision answers a specific legal question: whether the evidence in the Argentine criminal investigation justified continuing charges against the people named in the ruling.

It does not mean that buyers avoided losses. It does not establish that $LIBRA was a sound investment. Nor does it independently validate every claim made by people involved in the project.

The reported collapse, the movement of funds and the circumstances surrounding the launch remain important to understanding the financial consequences for purchasers. But the legal finding must be reported on its own terms rather than treated as proof of either a conspiracy or complete financial propriety.

For investors, the distinction between criminal liability and financial risk is crucial. A court can conclude that evidence does not meet the legal threshold for fraud while buyers still experience substantial losses. Likewise, large withdrawals can warrant scrutiny without automatically proving a criminal offence.

A legal dismissal, not a guarantee of financial soundness

Martínez de Giorgi’s ruling removes Milei, his sister and nine other people from the $LIBRA criminal investigation, based on the conclusion that the alleged conduct did not fit the criminal offences examined.

The judge recognized that Milei’s position may have amplified the token’s reach. He nevertheless found that the post, price rise, collapse and distribution of gains and losses did not establish the elements needed to prove fraud.

The decision marks a significant legal outcome in a controversy that began with a presidential social media post and a rapid cryptocurrency collapse. Its final status still needs confirmation, and separate proceedings must be assessed on their own terms.

The central lesson is that the legal standard for criminal fraud is not the same as a judgment about investment quality. The court dismissed the criminal case; that outcome does not turn $LIBRA into a safe investment or erase the financial consequences for those who bought it.

Reporting Credit: Argentine Federal Court No. 8 — October 23, 2026, ruling in the $LIBRA investigation, as described in published legal reporting. Prosecutor Eduardo Taiano — request for dismissal as reported in Argentine court coverage. Reuters — reporting on the ruling, Milei’s public response and the reported cryptocurrency withdrawals. Argentine legal and financial reporting — context on the scope of the ruling and the token’s collapse.

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The government formalized the decision in Joint Resolution 5/2026, published in the Official Gazette on October 22. The measure covers Mexico’s Sinaloa Cartel and La Nueva Familia Michoacana, Colombia’s National Liberation Army (ELN) and FARC-EP, and Ecuador’s Los Tiguerones.

The resolution allows authorities to register the groups in Argentina’s Public Registry of Persons and Entities Linked to Acts of Terrorism and Their Financing, known as RePET. The government says the measure will improve information-sharing, help detect potential threats and strengthen investigations into terrorist financing.

However, the designation does not establish that every member or associate has committed a terrorist offence. Nor does it automatically authorize military action. Its practical effects depend on Argentina’s legal framework and any separate financial or investigative measures that authorities take.

Which organizations are covered?

The resolution names five organizations, but its scope is more specific than a simple list of five labels.

• Sinaloa Cartel: A Mexican criminal organization associated with international drug trafficking and other illicit activities.
• La Nueva Familia Michoacana: A Mexican criminal organization that the Argentine government links to drug trafficking and illegal mining.
• National Liberation Army (ELN): A Colombian insurgent organization that remains active in the country’s armed conflict.
• FARC-EP: A designation covering specified dissident armed groups that use the name of the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia.
• Los Tiguerones: An Ecuadorian criminal organization associated by the Argentine government with drug trafficking and contract killings.

The resolution specifically includes the Los Tiguerones factions known as Los Fénix and Los Igualitos. It also identifies the residual armed group known as GAO-R FARC-EP and the Estado Mayor Central (EMC), including the names “Estado Mayor Central de las FARC-EP” and “EMC FARC-EP,” along with its blocks and fronts, including Frente 18.

That detail matters because the original FARC organization signed a peace agreement with the Colombian government in 2016. Some armed factions rejected the agreement or later returned to armed activity. The Argentine resolution specifically identifies dissident structures rather than treating every former FARC member as part of the listed organization.

Why Argentina made the designations

In its October 21 statement, President Javier Milei’s office said the groups’ criminal activities, regional reach and potential networks in Argentina posed a security threat.

The government cited drug trafficking, kidnapping, extortion, illegal mining, violence and armed insurgency. It also argued that the groups’ transnational links could allow their activities to spread beyond their principal areas of operation.

The formal resolution relies on confidential reports prepared by Argentina’s Ministry of National Security and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship. The government said those reports identified a real or potential external threat to national security and risks to the lives, property and assets of people in Argentina.

Because the supporting intelligence is classified, the public documents do not reveal the full evidence behind each assessment. The published resolution describes the government’s reasoning, but it does not provide a complete public case file showing the alleged activities of each organization inside Argentina.

The distinction is important. The government says the listings are intended to prevent possible threats and detect networks before they become established. The public record reviewed for this report does not independently establish that all five organizations maintain operational structures in Argentina.

What RePET registration means

Argentina created RePET under Decree 918/2012. Its purpose is to record information about people and entities linked to terrorism or its financing and to support domestic and international cooperation. The registry is public, subject to rules on access and data protection. Relevant national authorities, including security bodies, the Financial Information Unit (UIF) and migration authorities, can access information for their official duties. The UIF can also share registry information with regulated entities and foreign counterparts under the applicable rules.

Joint Resolution 5/2026 uses the procedure established by Article 25(d) of the decree. That provision allows registration when the relevant ministries have well-founded reasons to suspect that a person, group or entity is linked to a real or potential external threat to national security. The resolution also directs the Justice Ministry to carry out the registration.

The registry can help authorities exchange information and identify potential financial links. It can also support investigations into suspected financing or other criminal activity. But registration and an asset freeze are not identical legal steps.

Argentina’s legal framework gives the UIF authority to order an administrative freeze of assets linked to certain terrorist-financing offences. That action requires its own legally grounded decision and must follow the relevant procedures. The public resolution does not itself list specific assets to freeze or establish that a freeze has already been imposed on every person or entity connected with the five organizations.

The designation should therefore not be described as automatically freezing every associated account, banning every transaction or proving criminal liability. Authorities must apply the relevant legal provisions to the facts of each case.

How the measure differs from US designations

Argentina’s decision follows years of expanding US action against criminal and insurgent organizations in the region. But the two countries operate under different legal systems, and their lists do not have identical effects.

The US State Department designated the Sinaloa Cartel and La Nueva Familia Michoacana as Foreign Terrorist Organizations on February 20, 2025. The United States had previously designated the ELN on October 8, 1997, and designated FARC-EP as a Foreign Terrorist Organization on December 1, 2021.

A US Foreign Terrorist Organization designation carries specific consequences under US law. Among other things, it makes knowingly providing material support to a designated organization unlawful for people within US jurisdiction. US financial institutions must also retain control of certain funds in which a designated organization or its agent has an interest and report them to the Treasury Department.

Those US legal consequences do not automatically follow from Argentina’s own registry decision. Argentina’s measures must be assessed under Argentine law, while US sanctions, criminal prosecutions and immigration-related consequences operate under separate authorities and procedures.

The status of Los Tiguerones under the US Foreign Terrorist Organization list requires confirmation against the latest official US designation record before publication. A group’s presence on a US sanctions list is not necessarily the same as its designation as a Foreign Terrorist Organization.

A closer security relationship with Washington

The new Argentine listings also fit a wider pattern of security cooperation between Buenos Aires and Washington.

The Trump administration expanded its use of terrorism designations against Latin American criminal groups in 2025. Argentina’s October decision adds its own national measure, using RePET to address what the government describes as cross-border risks.

On October 21, Milei’s office presented the listings as part of Argentina’s effort to combat transnational organized crime and terrorism. The announcement also emphasized coordination among Argentina’s foreign-affairs, security and justice authorities and its state intelligence service.

The measure came amid broader cooperation between the two governments on security and anti-narcotics work. Yet the designation itself does not establish that Washington directed Argentina’s decision, nor does it prove that the two countries have agreed to identical sanctions or enforcement measures.

Any shared intelligence, joint investigation or new financial restriction would need to be documented separately. The resolution’s stated aim is to strengthen prevention, information exchange and investigations, but the public text does not announce a specific new joint operation.

Other countries have adopted similar measures

Argentina’s action is part of a broader regional debate about how governments should respond to organized crime groups that use extreme violence, control territory or threaten state institutions.

Ecuador declared an internal armed conflict in January 2024 and designated multiple criminal groups as terrorist organizations. Guatemala also changed its laws in 2025 to classify major gangs as transnational criminal and terrorist organizations. These measures reflect efforts to apply stronger legal tools to groups traditionally treated as criminal organizations.

However, countries’ legal frameworks and the consequences of their listings differ. A designation in one country does not automatically create the same restrictions in another. Nor does the use of the term “terrorist organization” mean that every group has the same structure, aims or methods.

The Argentine resolution places criminal cartels and insurgent groups within the same registry framework. The government’s stated rationale is that each presents a potential threat to national security, though the groups differ in their origins, political objectives and activities.

What remains unclear

The resolution sets out the government’s decision and its legal basis, but several questions remain about implementation.

The public documents reviewed for this report do not identify a new asset freeze against each group, detail specific financial accounts or disclose the full intelligence behind the threat assessments. They also do not establish that all five organizations have active operational structures inside Argentina.

The practical impact will depend on how authorities use the registry, whether they identify associated individuals or entities, and whether further legal or financial measures follow. Any such action would need its own documented basis.

Argentina’s decision formally expands its terrorism registry and creates another channel for information-sharing and financial investigations. It does not, by itself, establish criminal guilt for individual members or prove that every organization is operating inside the country.

The central question now is how the government will apply the new listings in practice—and what evidence, legal process and oversight will accompany any further action.

Reporting Credit: Argentine Presidency — October 21, 2026, announcement of the designation of five Latin American criminal and insurgent organizations. Argentine Ministry of National Security and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship — Joint Resolution 5/2026, published October 22, 2026, and the government’s stated security rationale. Argentine Ministry of Justice — RePET registration procedure under Decree 918/2012 and its amendments. United States Department of State — Foreign Terrorist Organization designation records for the Sinaloa Cartel, La Nueva Familia Michoacana, ELN and FARC-EP.

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The match marked Messi’s final appearance for the national team in front of Argentine supporters.

More than two decades after making his senior debut, the 39-year-old closed the international chapter of his career with another decisive performance.

Messi leaves with a goal and victory

Argentina took control after a scoreless first half.

Nicolás Otamendi opened the scoring before Nicolás Paz doubled the lead. Messi then completed the 3-0 victory with a penalty late in the match.

He also assisted the goals scored by Otamendi and Paz.

The result gave Messi a fitting final night in the Argentina shirt. The AFA described the match as his last appearance for the national team before the home crowd.

An emotional farewell

The Monumental was packed for Messi’s farewell.

He became visibly emotional before kickoff during the Argentine national anthem. His three sons, Thiago, Mateo and Ciro, were also present for the pre-match ceremony.

The stadium then celebrated Messi throughout his final match.

The farewell followed Messi’s decision to retire from the Argentina national team after the 2026 World Cup. He had announced the decision on Aug. 31, ending a senior international career that began in 2005.

A record-breaking Argentina career

Messi finishes as Argentina’s most-capped player and leading scorer.

His final international record stands at 208 appearances and 126 goals. FIFA also lists 70 assists, 135 wins, 43 draws and 30 defeats.

His Argentina career included four major senior titles: the 2021 Copa América, 2022 Finalissima, 2022 World Cup and 2024 Copa América. Argentina also reached the 2026 World Cup final during his final international campaign.

The 2022 World Cup victory ended Argentina’s long wait for another men’s World Cup title and became the defining achievement of Messi’s international career.

From criticism to national icon

Messi’s relationship with Argentina supporters changed significantly over his career.

His early years with the national team included criticism after several major tournament defeats. Argentina reached the 2014 World Cup final and lost the 2015 and 2016 Copa América finals.

The criticism eased after Argentina began winning major titles.

The 2021 Copa América was followed by the Finalissima and World Cup triumph in 2022, then another Copa América title in 2024.

By the time of his farewell, Messi was being celebrated by the same national football culture that had once demanded more from him.

The Argentina chapter is over

Messi’s final match does not mark the end of his professional football career.

He remains a club player with Inter Miami, meaning his international retirement is separate from his future at club level.

For Argentina, however, the era has reached its final whistle.

Messi leaves the national team as its record appearance holder and top scorer, with a World Cup, two Copa América titles and the Finalissima among the major trophies won during his career.

His final night in Buenos Aires added one more goal, two assists and a victory to the record.

Reporting Credit: Asociación del Fútbol Argentino; FIFA; Argentina national team; Argentine Football Association match records; Estadio Monumental attendance records.

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The agreement, announced Wednesday during the United Nations General Assembly’s high-level week in New York, creates the U.S.-Argentina Build the Future Framework and forms part of a broader Andes-Atlantic Corridor intended to connect Argentina’s resource-producing regions with Atlantic ports and Western markets.

The financing is not a single $7 billion investment or an immediate cash transfer to Argentina. Instead, the framework provides a potential financing channel involving the U.S. Export-Import Bank and other U.S. government financing institutions for qualifying projects through 2027.

Energy and minerals at the center

The initiative is aimed at infrastructure supporting Argentina’s expanding energy and mining sectors, including lithium, copper, oil and natural gas.

Argentina’s Vaca Muerta formation is one of the central targets. The country’s large shale oil and gas resources have become increasingly important to its plans to expand energy production and exports.

The northern provinces also hold major lithium resources, while new copper projects are being developed after years in which Argentina had no operating copper mines.

The U.S. State Department said the corridor is intended to strengthen supply chains for critical minerals and energy while reducing transportation and energy bottlenecks. It will link resource-rich areas to inland waterways and Atlantic ports through investment in railways, pipelines, ports, power infrastructure and digital connectivity.

Up to $7 billion does not mean $7 billion has been spent

The distinction is important for understanding the announcement.

The Build the Future Framework provides financing of up to $7 billion by 2027 for infrastructure and productive-capacity projects. The U.S. Export-Import Bank can support eligible transactions through loans, guarantees and other export-financing instruments.

Much of that financing is designed to support purchases of U.S. goods and services.

The arrangement therefore serves two objectives simultaneously: helping Argentina develop infrastructure needed to move energy and minerals to international markets while creating opportunities for U.S. equipment manufacturers, engineering companies and other exporters.

Argentina LNG is a major potential project

One of the largest projects connected to the initiative is Argentina LNG, a proposed large-scale development centered on Vaca Muerta.

The U.S. Export-Import Bank has issued a non-binding indicative term sheet of up to $6 billion for the project, according to the State Department. The proposed financing would support U.S. goods and services needed for the project rather than represent the full cost of development.

Argentina LNG is being developed by state-controlled YPF with Italy’s Eni and the United Arab Emirates’ XRG. The integrated project has been estimated at about $51 billion over its development.

The proposed financing remains distinct from the broader $7 billion framework.

The $6 billion figure is a preliminary, non-binding financing indication for Argentina LNG, while the $7 billion framework establishes a broader financing mechanism for infrastructure and productive-capacity projects through 2027.

The corridor is designed around export infrastructure

Argentina’s resource deposits are not sufficient on their own to create an export industry.

Oil, gas and minerals must reach processing facilities, pipelines, rail networks, ports and international markets.

The Andes-Atlantic Corridor is intended to address that infrastructure problem.

The U.S. and Argentine governments said the initiative will identify priority projects involving railways, waterways and ports while supporting energy infrastructure in Vaca Muerta and mineral development in the country’s northwest.

The framework also includes digital infrastructure, reflecting the broader objective of modernizing transportation, energy and communications systems around Argentina’s resource-producing regions.

A project consortium involving U.S. company Pumpco, Italy’s Bonatti and Argentine company Contreras Hermanos has received a contract worth more than $1 billion for an export-pipeline system associated with Argentina LNG, although the project remains subject to a final investment decision.

Washington is seeking critical-mineral supply

The agreement also reflects a broader U.S. effort to diversify access to critical minerals.

Lithium and copper are particularly important because of their use in batteries, electric vehicles, power infrastructure, electronics and other industrial technologies.

The International Energy Agency has identified supply concentration and processing bottlenecks as major concerns for critical-mineral security. It has also warned that refining capacity for several minerals remains concentrated in a small number of countries.

Argentina is part of the so-called lithium triangle with Chile and Bolivia, a region containing some of the world’s largest lithium resources.

The country has already attracted international mining companies, including Rio Tinto, while BHP is developing a copper project.

Increasing production will nevertheless require substantial infrastructure and capital.

Argentina is trying to attract larger investments

The U.S. financing initiative arrives as President Javier Milei’s government continues to promote Argentina as a destination for large-scale foreign investment.

A central part of that effort is the Incentive Regime for Large Investments, known as RIGI.

The regime provides long-term tax, trade and foreign-exchange benefits for qualifying large projects in sectors including energy and mining. The U.S. State Department specifically cited RIGI as one of the measures supporting investment under the new corridor.

Argentina’s government has increasingly presented Vaca Muerta and its mineral resources as potential sources of export revenue and foreign investment.

The new U.S. framework adds a government-backed financing component to that strategy.

The agreement also deepens U.S.-Argentina economic ties

The financing announcement builds on a broader improvement in relations between Washington and Buenos Aires under Trump and Milei.

The two governments announced a preferential trade and investment framework in February that included cooperation on critical minerals. Argentina’s Congress had not yet ratified that bilateral agreement when the financing initiative was announced.

The new corridor expands cooperation beyond trade policy.

It creates a mechanism for connecting U.S. financing and equipment with Argentine infrastructure and resource projects.

For Washington, that can improve access to energy and minerals from a country in the Western Hemisphere while creating export opportunities for American companies.

For Buenos Aires, U.S.-backed financing could help address some of the infrastructure constraints that have limited the speed at which Argentina can expand resource exports.

Financing still depends on projects moving forward

The headline $7 billion figure should therefore not be interpreted as guaranteed spending on already completed projects.

Individual projects must meet financing requirements, and some remain at preliminary stages.

The Argentina LNG term sheet, for example, is non-binding. The broader framework identifies financing opportunities rather than guaranteeing that the full $7 billion will be disbursed.

Project execution will also depend on investment decisions, permitting, infrastructure construction and the ability of companies to develop commercially viable operations.

That distinction is particularly relevant for mining.

Argentina has substantial geological resources, but turning resources into sustained production requires years of exploration, permitting, construction and infrastructure development.

A new link between resources and markets

The Andes-Atlantic Corridor is ultimately designed to address that entire chain.

Its objective is to connect Argentina’s mineral deposits and Vaca Muerta’s energy resources with the infrastructure needed to export them.

The U.S. government described the initiative as the first Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment corridor in the Western Hemisphere. The framework is intended to connect investors and companies with opportunities across Argentina’s energy, mining, infrastructure and technology sectors.

The immediate announcement therefore represents less a single investment than a new structure for financing and developing multiple projects.

Whether the full potential of the framework is realized will depend on how quickly those projects progress from financing proposals and preliminary agreements into construction and production.

For Argentina, the opportunity is to turn large natural-resource endowments into expanded export capacity.

For the United States, the arrangement offers another route toward securing energy and critical-mineral supply chains while directing some of the resulting infrastructure spending toward American companies.

The first test will be whether the announced financing translates into actual projects on the ground.

Reporting Credit: U.S. Department of State — Andes-Atlantic Corridor fact sheet and U.S.-Argentina joint statement; U.S. Export-Import Bank — financing framework and export-finance role; Argentine government — Build the Future Framework and corridor cooperation; YPF — Argentina LNG project; International Energy Agency — global critical-mineral supply-chain context.

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Former President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner remains an influential figure within the movement. At the same time, Buenos Aires Governor Axel Kicillof is seeking to build a broader coalition that could reach voters beyond Peronism’s traditional base.

The divisions have become more visible as Peronist leaders discuss how to choose a presidential candidate and whether they can build a wider opposition alliance against President Javier Milei.

After a large Peronist gathering in Avellaneda this month, Kicillof said the movement needed to build a national alternative and reach Argentines who had not previously worked with Peronism. He also said the current period should focus on building that alternative rather than formally launching presidential campaigns.

The leadership question is complicated by Fernández, whose political influence remains strong despite her conviction and current ban from holding public office.

Cristina Fernández remains central to the dispute

Fernández was president from 2007 to 2015 and vice president from 2019 to 2023. She remains one of the most influential figures in Peronism.

She is serving a six-year sentence under house arrest after Argentina’s Supreme Court upheld her corruption conviction and imposed a lifetime ban from holding public office. Fernández has challenged the conviction before the United Nations Human Rights Committee, arguing that the case was politically motivated.

A favorable finding by the committee would not automatically restore her eligibility to run for office. Argentine authorities and courts would still have to address the disqualification.

Her political influence, however, has continued.

Supporters regularly gather outside her Buenos Aires residence, where she has sometimes appeared from the balcony. Some Peronist activists continue to call for her return to electoral politics.

That creates a challenge for politicians seeking to establish a new generation of leadership.

Kicillof served as Fernández’s economy minister from 2013 to 2015 and was once viewed as a potential successor within the movement. Their political relationship later deteriorated as both sides developed competing views about Peronism’s future leadership.

Kicillof now faces the task of building his own political organization while maintaining support among voters and activists loyal to Fernández.

Kicillof seeks a broader opposition

Kicillof governs Buenos Aires province, Argentina’s most populous province and a longstanding Peronist stronghold.

His recent political message has focused on expanding the movement beyond its traditional coalition.

At the Avellaneda gathering, he argued that opposing Milei was not enough. Peronists, he said, needed to build a broader national alternative capable of attracting voters outside the movement’s established political network.

Kicillof has not formally declared a presidential candidacy.

His position nevertheless matters because the leadership dispute is increasingly tied to the 2027 presidential race.

Juan Grabois, an opposition lawmaker involved in efforts to reconcile different Peronist factions, has said the movement needs to address its internal dispute while Fernández continues to command substantial support within Peronism.

The disagreement is therefore about more than policy.

It is also about who should define the movement’s direction and how its next presidential candidate should be chosen.

Peronists debate how to choose candidates

Party leaders are considering different ways to select candidates.

One unresolved issue is whether Argentina will continue using the PASO primary system for the 2027 election. National primary elections remain part of the country’s electoral framework, but the government has pursued changes to the system, and the 2025 PASO elections were suspended by legislation.

That uncertainty has encouraged Peronist leaders to consider other mechanisms.

Recent discussions involving figures such as Máximo Kirchner, former governors Jorge Capitanich and Sergio Uñac, and La Rioja Governor Ricardo Quintela have focused on maintaining unity if the PASO system is changed or suspended.

One possibility is an internal party election to choose candidates.

Uñac has proposed an open internal election divided geographically across Argentina. That remains a proposal and has not become an adopted party mechanism.

The broader aim is to prevent competing Peronist factions from running separately and dividing the movement’s vote.

But agreeing on a selection process would not necessarily settle the deeper dispute over leadership.

The 2025 election exposed divisions

Peronism enters the 2027 race after a difficult 2025 legislative election.

Official results showed La Libertad Avanza won the largest share of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and Senate races contested in October 2025. The Peronist Fuerza Patria coalition won 47 of the 127 Chamber seats being renewed and nine of the 24 Senate seats at stake.

The results exposed divisions between Kicillof and Fernández and prompted questions about how Peronism would reorganize for the next presidential election.

The election also showed that Peronism remains a major national political force, while no longer setting the national political agenda.

The movement therefore faces two tasks: retaining its existing supporters and expanding its appeal to voters who backed Milei or other political forces.

The economy remains central to the opposition’s case

Argentina’s economic situation is likely to remain a major issue in the political debate.

Milei’s government has pursued fiscal adjustment, deregulation and spending cuts since taking office in late 2023. The government says those policies have restored fiscal balance and reduced inflation.

According to Argentina’s national statistics agency, consumer prices rose 1.7% in August 2026 from the previous month. The unemployment rate was 7.9% in the second quarter.

The government has also presented a 2027 budget based on continued fiscal discipline and economic growth. Economy Minister Luis Caputo said the administration expected a fourth consecutive year of financial surplus.

Peronist leaders have criticized the effects of spending cuts on public services, workers and households.

For Kicillof and other opposition figures, the challenge is to turn that criticism into a broader political program rather than simply oppose Milei’s existing policies.

That distinction will become more important as the election approaches.

Peronism has a unity problem

The Partido Justicialista, the formal political organization associated with Peronism, maintains a large national network.

Its organization includes governors, provincial party leaders and congressional blocs. The party’s stated principles include political sovereignty, economic independence, social justice, workers’ rights and federalism.

But Peronism contains several political currents.

Fernández and her allies retain a strong organizational base. Kicillof is developing an independent political identity in Buenos Aires province. Other governors and lawmakers are also seeking influence over the eventual coalition and candidate-selection process.

These groups can cooperate in opposing Milei while disagreeing over economic policy, political strategy and leadership.

That makes unity possible but difficult to formalize.

The 2027 election is already shaping the debate

Argentina’s next presidential election is scheduled for October 2027. The exact primary process will depend on the electoral rules in force at the time.

That leaves Peronist factions time to negotiate, but the internal contest has already begun.

Kicillof has said the current period should focus on building a national alternative rather than formally launching presidential campaigns. Other Peronist figures are already discussing internal elections and possible presidential bids.

Fernández’s continued influence adds another variable.

She cannot currently appear on the presidential ballot under her existing disqualification. Her political endorsement and relationship with the Peronist base, however, remain important factors in the movement’s internal calculations.

The movement has not settled its next identity

The debate inside Peronism goes beyond choosing a candidate.

The movement must also decide what it wants to represent after years of different Peronist governments and competing factions.

Kicillof is seeking to combine opposition to Milei’s economic policies with a broader appeal to voters outside the traditional Peronist coalition.

Fernández’s supporters continue to emphasize her political legacy and social programs.

Other leaders are looking for a coalition that can bring together different parts of the opposition.

So far, those approaches have not produced a single political platform.

For now, the main point of agreement is opposition to Milei and concern about the direction of the country under his government.

Whether that can produce a unified presidential ticket remains unresolved.

The next stage will depend partly on whether Peronist leaders can agree on rules for selecting candidates and partly on whether they can reconcile Fernández’s influence with the ambitions of Kicillof and other potential leaders.

Argentina’s 2027 presidential election remains more than a year away.

But the internal contest over who will speak for Peronism has already begun.

Reporting Credit: Argentina’s National Electoral Chamber — national electoral framework and election rules; Argentina’s National Electoral Directorate — official 2025 election results; Partido Justicialista — party structure and stated political principles; INDEC — August 2026 inflation and second-quarter 2026 employment data; Argentine Ministry of Economy — 2027 budget and fiscal-policy information.

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Speaking at the 81st session of the UN General Assembly, Milei said Argentina was seeking a peaceful resolution while accusing the United Nations of failing to enforce its own resolutions concerning the islands. He also criticized British-backed oil exploration in waters around the archipelago.

“Malvinas is for us a national cause,” Milei said, according to the Argentine presidency’s account of the speech.

He called on Britain to resume negotiations “to find a peaceful solution” to the sovereignty dispute and said Argentina was pursuing what he described as a “peaceful, practical and effective” defense of its position.

The remarks come after several weeks of renewed tension between Buenos Aires and London over offshore oil development near the islands.

Oil exploration raises the latest dispute

The immediate dispute centers on the Sea Lion oil project in the North Falkland Basin, where development plans have been approved by the Falkland Islands government.

Argentina considers the project unauthorized because it rejects British sovereignty over the islands and claims jurisdiction over the surrounding maritime area.

Milei told the General Assembly that Argentina considers activity involving natural resources in the disputed area unlawful and said his government had already taken measures against companies involved in the project.

Earlier this month, Argentina opened sanctions proceedings against more than 60 companies and individuals connected to offshore exploration around the islands. The government subsequently submitted legislation to strengthen penalties against companies and individuals involved in what Buenos Aires considers unauthorized exploitation of natural resources.

The proposed legislation would also establish a National Security Council chaired by the president and expand the government’s legal tools concerning activities in Argentine maritime areas and the continental shelf.

The companies involved in the Sea Lion project maintain that they hold valid licenses issued by Falkland Islands authorities.

Argentina points to UN resolutions

Milei’s appeal for negotiations is rooted in a longstanding UN position on the dispute.

UN General Assembly Resolution 2065, adopted in 1965, recognized the existence of a sovereignty dispute between Argentina and the United Kingdom and called on the two governments to negotiate a peaceful solution, taking into account the interests of the island population.

Subsequent General Assembly resolutions have repeatedly called for negotiations between the two countries. UN treaty records also continue to identify the Falklands/Malvinas as the subject of a sovereignty dispute.

Milei argued that the problem is not simply the existence of the dispute but whether international resolutions can produce practical consequences.

He specifically cited a 1976 resolution concerning the need for the parties to refrain from unilateral changes while the sovereignty dispute remains unresolved. Argentina says the Sea Lion project conflicts with that principle.

The United Kingdom disputes that interpretation.

Britain rejects Argentina’s sovereignty claim

The British government continues to regard the Falkland Islands as a British Overseas Territory and rejects Argentina’s claim to sovereignty.

In a September 18 statement, Britain’s minister for the Overseas Territories said the islands were British and had the right to develop their natural resources.

The British government also said the islanders’ right to self-determination included the right to regulate their economy and develop hydrocarbons for their own economic benefit.

Britain has repeatedly said it will not negotiate sovereignty unless the islanders themselves wish to do so.

The two countries therefore approach the UN’s call for negotiations from fundamentally different positions: Argentina seeks negotiations over sovereignty, while Britain maintains that sovereignty is settled and emphasizes the islanders’ right to self-determination.

The islanders remain central to the dispute

The Falkland Islands are home to roughly 3,500 people and have been administered by Britain since 1833, apart from Argentina’s occupation during the 1982 Falklands War.

In a 2013 referendum, 99.8% of participating voters chose to remain a British Overseas Territory.

Argentina rejects the application of self-determination in the same way Britain does, arguing that the present population was established under British control after the original dispute over sovereignty.

Milei repeated that position in his UN speech, saying Argentina does not consider the principle of self-determination applicable to the islands’ current population.

The disagreement over self-determination remains one of the central differences between the two governments.

Diplomatic pressure has increased

The latest confrontation comes after a period in which the Falklands issue had received less attention in Argentina’s foreign policy than some other bilateral relationships.

That changed as the oil project advanced and U.S. President Donald Trump said in August that Washington was reviewing its longstanding neutral position on the sovereignty dispute.

Trump has not endorsed Argentina’s claim, but his comments have added uncertainty to the diplomatic environment surrounding the islands.

Milei has emphasized his close relationship with Washington while pressing Argentina’s position at the UN.

Britain, meanwhile, has reaffirmed its support for the islanders and its position that the territory’s status is not open to negotiation without their consent.

The dispute has also acquired an economic dimension because of the potential value of offshore petroleum resources.

Argentina says it will continue pursuing the claim

Milei told the General Assembly that Argentina would continue using diplomatic, legal and domestic measures to defend its position.

His government has already begun proceedings against companies connected to the oil project and has submitted legislation to Congress aimed at strengthening the sanctions framework.

At the same time, Milei explicitly presented his government’s position as a peaceful one and called for renewed bilateral negotiations.

The UK has not accepted that call on the terms proposed by Buenos Aires.

The immediate dispute therefore remains unresolved: Argentina continues to claim sovereignty and object to offshore resource development, while Britain maintains sovereignty over the islands and supports their right to develop their economy.

Milei’s UN speech has brought the issue back into the center of international diplomacy, but it has not changed the underlying positions of either government.

For now, the next stage of the dispute is likely to revolve around the Sea Lion project, Argentina’s proposed sanctions legislation and whether the two governments can reopen a diplomatic process without first resolving their fundamentally different positions on sovereignty.

Reporting Credit: Presidency of Argentina — President Javier Milei’s September 23 UN General Assembly speech and Argentina’s position on the Malvinas/Falklands dispute; United Nations — General Assembly resolutions and records concerning the sovereignty dispute and calls for negotiations; UK Government — official position on Falkland Islands sovereignty, self-determination and natural-resource development; Falkland Islands Government — administration of the islands and authorization of economic and resource-development activities.

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Messi announced his decision Monday in an emotional social-media message, saying the time had come to close his chapter with the national team. He said he had given everything he had to Argentina and that a new generation of players deserved opportunities.

The retirement comes after Messi’s sixth World Cup appearance. Argentina reached the 2026 World Cup final, where it lost 1-0 to Spain in extra time, denying Messi a second World Cup title and a winning farewell.

A record-breaking international career

Messi leaves Argentina with 207 appearances and 125 goals, both national records.

His 125 goals rank second among men’s international scorers behind Portugal’s Cristiano Ronaldo, who has 146. Messi scored 21 World Cup goals, also making him the second-highest scorer in World Cup history behind France’s Kylian Mbappé.

He played at six World Cups — 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018, 2022 and 2026 — tying the record for appearances in six tournaments. He also holds the World Cup record for appearances, with 34 matches.

The World Cup finally arrived

For much of Messi’s early international career, his relationship with Argentina was defined by disappointment.

He lost the 2014 World Cup final to Germany and suffered defeats in consecutive Copa América finals.

In 2016, after Argentina lost another Copa América final to Chile, Messi briefly announced his international retirement. He later reversed the decision and returned to the national team.

His fortunes eventually changed.

Messi led Argentina to the 2021 Copa América title, its first major international trophy of his senior career, before captaining the team to the 2022 World Cup championship in Qatar.

Argentina then won the 2024 Copa América, giving Messi three major senior international titles in four years.

Six World Cups and three finals

Messi reached three World Cup finals during his career.

Argentina lost to Germany in 2014 before defeating France in the 2022 final. In 2026, Argentina again reached the championship match but fell to Spain after extra time.

The 2026 tournament nevertheless added to Messi’s extraordinary statistical record.

He scored eight goals during the tournament, taking his career World Cup total to 21. He also became the only player to score at a World Cup in his teens, 20s and 30s.

Messi leaves without another title

The defeat to Spain meant Messi’s international career ended without the storybook finish many Argentina supporters had hoped for.

But the loss does little to alter his standing in Argentine soccer.

By the time he reached the 2026 final, Messi had already won the major international trophy that had eluded him for most of his career.

His 2022 World Cup victory also ended years of comparisons with Argentina’s other iconic No. 10, Diego Maradona, who captained the country to the 1986 World Cup title.

A decision shaped by personal loss

Messi said he had written his retirement message shortly after the 2026 World Cup final but delayed publishing it.

His father, Jorge Messi, died on August 8 at age 68. Messi said the loss strengthened his decision to step away from Argentina.

Messi has not announced an immediate retirement from club soccer.

He continues to play for Inter Miami in Major League Soccer, where his contract runs through the 2028 season.

Argentina says goodbye

The Argentine Football Association paid tribute to Messi following his announcement, thanking him for the journey he gave the national team and saying his legacy and professionalism would remain permanently associated with Argentine soccer.

Former teammates and other Argentine athletes also posted tributes, while fans across the country expressed sadness at the end of an era.

For Argentina, Messi’s departure means the national team must now move forward without the player who defined its attack and identity for more than two decades.

A legacy that extends beyond the numbers

Messi leaves Argentina as its most decorated modern player and one of the most accomplished footballers in international history.

His record includes:

• 207 Argentina appearances
• 125 Argentina goals
• 21 World Cup goals
• 6 World Cups
• 3 World Cup finals
• 1 World Cup title
• 2 Copa América titles
• 1 Olympic gold medal
• 8 Ballon d’Or awards

His final chapter with Argentina therefore ends not with another trophy, but with a record that is unlikely to be easily matched.

What Happens Next

Messi will continue his club career with Inter Miami, while Argentina begins preparing for a future without its longtime captain and No. 10.

The national team now enters a generational transition after more than 20 years in which Messi was its central figure.

For Argentine soccer, the question is no longer whether Messi will finally win a major international trophy.

He already did.

The question is how Argentina replaces a player who leaves as its record scorer, record appearance holder and World Cup champion.

Key Facts

• Player: Lionel Messi
• Age: 39
• International career: 2005–2026
• Argentina appearances: 207
• Argentina goals: 125
• World Cup appearances: 6
• World Cup goals: 21
• World Cup titles: 2022
• Copa América titles: 2021, 2024
• 2026 World Cup: Runner-up
• Club: Inter Miami
• Status: INTERNATIONAL RETIREMENT — CONFIRMED

Reporting Credit: FIFA — Messi’s international career and World Cup records; Argentine Football Association — national-team tribute and retirement response; Inter Miami — club status and contract information; Lionel Messi — retirement announcement.

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For much of the second half, England appeared on course to reach its first World Cup final since 1966. The European side protected a narrow lead with disciplined defending before Argentina’s late surge transformed the match, as Enzo Fernández equalized in the 85th minute and Lautaro Martínez struck the winner deep into stoppage time.

The victory extends Argentina’s pursuit of consecutive World Cup titles, while England will face France in the tournament’s third-place playoff.

Cautious Opening Gives Way to England’s Breakthrough

Both teams approached the semifinal cautiously, with neither side willing to commit too many players forward during a tightly contested opening half.

Argentina controlled much of the possession but struggled to break through England’s organized defensive shape. England, meanwhile, looked dangerous on the counterattack and gradually created more opportunities after halftime.

The breakthrough arrived in the 55th minute when Anthony Gordon finished a well-worked attacking move to give England a 1-0 lead. The goal energized the English side and forced Argentina to chase the game for the first time in the tournament’s knockout stage.

England continued to defend with discipline while looking to exploit spaces on the counter, frustrating Argentina for much of the second half.

Argentina Responds Under Pressure

As time began to run out, Argentina increased the tempo and committed more players into attack.

The sustained pressure finally produced an equalizer in the 85th minute when Enzo Fernández struck to make it 1-1, shifting momentum firmly toward the defending champions and igniting the crowd inside Mercedes-Benz Stadium.

Rather than settling for extra time, Argentina continued to press high and move the ball quickly through midfield. England struggled to regain possession as the South American side controlled the closing stages.

Deep into stoppage time, Lionel Messi created the decisive opening with a precise pass into the penalty area. Lautaro Martínez met the delivery with a composed finish, completing Argentina’s comeback and sending the defending champions into another World Cup final.

Experience Makes the Difference

Argentina’s composure under pressure once again proved decisive.

Even after falling behind, Lionel Scaloni’s side remained patient, maintained possession and continued to build attacks instead of forcing opportunities. That disciplined approach gradually stretched England’s defense before producing two decisive late goals.

Messi dictated much of Argentina’s attacking play throughout the semifinal. Although he did not score, he played a crucial role in the comeback by creating the winning goal. Fernández controlled the midfield during the closing stages, while Martínez once again delivered in a decisive knockout match.

England Left to Reflect

England’s campaign ended in disappointment after an otherwise impressive tournament.

Thomas Tuchel’s side defended effectively for long stretches and looked capable of protecting its one-goal advantage. However, sustained Argentine pressure in the final minutes proved too difficult to withstand.

Despite the defeat, England reached the semifinals after an impressive run through the knockout rounds and will have an opportunity to finish third when it meets France.

World Cup Final Set

Argentina will now face Spain in Sunday’s FIFA World Cup final after both nations emerged from demanding knockout campaigns.

The matchup brings together two of the tournament’s most consistent teams and offers Argentina an opportunity to become back-to-back world champions. Spain, meanwhile, will attempt to cap its own impressive tournament by denying the defending champions another World Cup title.

Article Topics: Argentina | England | FIFA World Cup | World Cup Semifinal | Lionel Messi | Lautaro Martínez | Enzo Fernández | Spain

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