Elizabeth Tsurkov, a 38-year-old Israeli-Russian researcher and Princeton doctoral student, survived 2½ years of captivity in Iraq under an Iranian-backed militia. She endured severe torture, including “hanging” and the “scorpion” method, before her release in September, and is now recuperating in Israel.

Kidnapping and Brutal Torture

Tsurkov, fluent in Arabic and a scholar of Middle Eastern politics, was kidnapped in March 2023 while conducting research in Baghdad. Blindfolded, sexually assaulted, and beaten, she was taken to a facility on the outskirts of the city, where she endured both Ta’aliq—being hoisted with hands cuffed above the head—and Akrab, a more painful variant with hands cuffed behind the back.

A month into captivity, her captors discovered Hebrew messages on her phone and began accusing her of spying, demanding a $600 million ransom, according to Israeli officials. Tsurkov described electroshock, sexual abuse, whipping, and threats with firearms stamped as Iraqi government property. She made false confessions under duress to appease her captors while protecting local acquaintances.

Solitary Confinement and Partial Relief

After 4½ months, Tsurkov was moved to what she believes was a Kataib Hezbollah base near the Iran border. There, her conditions improved slightly: she was provided sufficient food, water, and even a television, though she remained in solitary confinement.

Her hopes for release diminished following the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, when she became one of over 250 hostages of concern. The ordeal left her with likely permanent nerve damage, requiring ongoing medical care and physical therapy.

Militia Influence and U.S. Pressure

Tsurkov’s captors were part of Kataib Hezbollah, an Iranian-backed militia officially linked to Iraq’s armed forces but operating independently. The U.S. has designated Kataib Hezbollah a terrorist organization since 2009. Tsurkov emphasized that Iraqi militias focus largely on oppressing local populations, rather than external targets.

Her release involved sustained U.S. intervention, including efforts by former Trump administration hostage envoy Adam Boehler, and leverage by Israeli officials. Iraqi-American businessman Mark Savaya reportedly warned Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani that the U.S. might strike Kataib Hezbollah if she was not freed. Her handover to Iraqi authorities occurred about a week later, and she was reunited with her family at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad before returning to Israel.

Family History of Imprisonment

Tsurkov comes from a family with a history of political incarceration. Her parents were imprisoned in Russia for opposing the communist government, and her grandfather was jailed under Stalin. She was born in Russia and moved to Israel at age four.

Her family and Israeli officials campaigned tirelessly for her release, leveraging diplomatic channels and U.S. political influence. The Russian Foreign Ministry did not respond to requests for comment.

Recovery and Future Plans

Now recovering in Israel, Tsurkov focuses on physical rehabilitation and adjusting to life after captivity. She plans to resume her doctorate at Princeton and hopes to continue research, especially fieldwork highlighting marginalized groups.

Despite enduring torture, sexual assault, and solitary confinement, she emphasizes her gratitude for survival. “It often feels like a nightmare that I woke up from,” she said. “It feels so surreal to have undergone, and overcome, such brutality.”

Tsurkov’s experience sheds light on the dangers faced by researchers in conflict zones and the operations of Iranian-backed militias in Iraq. She hopes her story increases global awareness while acknowledging the risks for Iraqis who cannot safely speak out.

Source: AP News – After brutal torture and 2.5 years of captivity, Israeli-Russian researcher is grateful to survive

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Iraqis went to the polls on Tuesday for parliamentary elections under tight security, with participation affected by a boycott from the influential Sadrist Movement. Early voting saw low turnout, highlighting the political and social tensions surrounding the electoral process.

Security and Voting Conditions

A total of 8,703 polling stations opened across Iraq for the general election. Early voting on Sunday allowed security forces and displaced people living in camps to cast their ballots. Associated Press journalists observed sparse turnout in the early hours of Tuesday, with polling stations nearly empty in some areas.

The Sadrist stronghold of Sadr City, on the outskirts of Baghdad, was heavily secured by Iraqi special forces and federal police. Armored vehicles and Humvees lined main roads, while security personnel patrolled the area. Shops remained closed, and banners depicting Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr holding a weapon reminded residents of the ongoing boycott.

Impact of the Sadrist Boycott

The Sadrist Movement, led by al-Sadr, won the largest number of seats in Iraq’s 2021 parliamentary election but later withdrew from the political process after failed government formation talks. Al-Sadr has since boycotted the political system, calling on his followers to abstain from voting.

At a polling station serving 3,300 registered voters in Sadr City, fewer than 60 people had cast ballots hours after opening. Station director Ahmed al-Mousawi noted, “The Sadrist boycott has had a major impact. In previous elections, there used to be long lines, but today the difference is dramatic.”

Some voters, like 54-year-old Sabih Dakhel, still participated, hoping that new elected officials might improve living conditions. He said, “We were able to vote freely today, but the Sadrist boycott has deeply affected participation. Sadr City feels almost like a lockdown because of Muqtada al-Sadr’s call for his followers to stay home.”

Voter Registration and Turnout

Of Iraq’s 32 million eligible voters, only 21.4 million updated their information and obtained voter cards before the election, a decline from approximately 24 million registered voters in the 2021 election. Early reports suggest turnout remains uneven, with Sadr City and other areas influenced by the boycott seeing particularly low participation.

Regional and International Context

The election comes amid broader regional shifts, including the Gaza and Lebanon conflicts following the Hamas-led attacks on Israel in October 2023, the Israel-Iran tensions in June, and the political developments in Syria last December. Meanwhile, U.S. officials have increased pressure on Iraq to curb the influence of Iran-aligned armed factions, some of whose members are participating in the election.

Legal and Political Challenges

The election could face legal challenges. The head of Iraq’s Supreme Judicial Council stated that the date set for Tuesday’s vote is unconstitutional, as it was initially scheduled for November 24. The ruling may affect the validity or certification of results depending on subsequent legal decisions.

Looking Ahead

As polling continues and votes are tallied, the outcome of this election may reshape Iraq’s political landscape, especially if the Sadrist boycott continues to influence voter behavior. Analysts say the results will have implications for domestic governance, sectarian politics, and Iraq’s relations with regional and international powers.

Source: AP News – Iraqis vote in a parliamentary election marked by tight security and a major political boycott

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As Israel and Iran exchange heavy fire and the United States enters the fray with strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, some of Tehran’s most powerful allies — including Hezbollah and Iraqi militias — are conspicuously staying on the sidelines.

While these groups have long served as Iran’s frontline defense against Israel and the West, the expected retaliation from Hezbollah and its regional partners has so far been muted. For now, the war that many feared would draw in the entire Middle East remains largely contained to Iran and Israel.

Hezbollah Holds Back Despite Fiery Rhetoric

Hezbollah, once described as Iran’s most formidable regional proxy, has condemned Israel’s actions and the recent U.S. airstrikes. But condemnation has not translated into action.

Following the U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, Hezbollah issued a strongly worded statement calling on the “Arab and Islamic world” to support Iran — but stopped short of declaring involvement or launching attacks. Just days earlier, the group’s leader, Naim Qassem, had promised Hezbollah would “act as we deem appropriate.”

So far, “appropriate” appears to mean restraint.

Lebanese government officials have urged Hezbollah to stay out of the war, warning that Lebanon cannot afford another devastating conflict. U.S. envoy Tom Barrack echoed that during a recent visit, calling any move to join the war a “very bad decision.”

Iraqi Militias Stay Silent After U.S. Strikes

In Iraq, powerful Iran-backed groups like Kataib Hezbollah have also stayed quiet — even after previously threatening to attack U.S. forces if Washington entered the conflict. Since the U.S. bombed three Iranian nuclear sites on Sunday, these militias have yet to respond.

Experts suggest that both domestic political interests and strategic caution are at play.

“Iraq’s Iran-aligned militias are now deeply connected to the state,” said Renad Mansour of Chatham House. “They’re benefiting politically and economically. They’ve seen what’s happened to Hezbollah and Iran and are worried they might be next.”

Unlike Hezbollah — which operates largely as a militant faction within Lebanon — Iraq’s main militias are officially part of the country’s defense forces, giving them a stake in maintaining national stability.

The Houthis Watch and Wait

Yemen’s Houthi rebels, another key member of the so-called “Axis of Resistance,” have also held back — at least for now.

Last month, the Houthis struck a deal with the U.S. to stop attacks on American vessels in the Red Sea in exchange for a halt in U.S. strikes on Yemen. The deal appears to be holding despite Sunday’s escalation, though the group warned it may resume attacks if the U.S. deepens its involvement in the Israel-Iran war.

In a statement after the U.S. strikes on Iran, the Houthis called the move a “grave escalation,” but did not follow through with military action.

Why They’re Holding Back

Several key factors seem to be keeping Iran’s allies on the sidelines:

• Hezbollah has been weakened militarily, especially after a brutal war with Israel last year that killed its former leader Hassan Nasrallah, cost the group much of its arsenal, and left southern Lebanon in ruins.
• Supply routes through Syria have collapsed, following the stunning fall of President Bashar Assad to rebel forces in December. “Hezbollah has been degraded at a strategic level and cut off from vital Iranian supply chains,” said Andreas Krieg of King’s College London.
• Iraqi militias and the Houthis lack the long-range strike capability to hit Israel with the kind of force Hezbollah once had.
• Iran may be signaling its proxies to remain intact and conserve strength, rather than risk being decimated in a war Tehran hasn’t fully committed to expanding.

“They’re likely lying low because Iran wants these groups to stay operational,” said Tamer Badawi, a fellow at the Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient.

Still Early Days?

Despite the current restraint, some warn that escalation remains a very real risk.

“The battle is still in its early stages,” said Qassem Qassir, a Lebanese analyst with ties to Hezbollah. “Even Iran hasn’t bombed American bases — it has only targeted Israel.”

If the conflict expands or Israel or the U.S. strikes again, Iran’s regional allies may feel compelled to join in. For now, though, the Axis of Resistance appears to be waiting, watching — and weighing the costs of war.

Source: AP News – Why some key Tehran allies have stayed out of the Israel-Iran conflict

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